Heroes and villains '97
The year of greed -- the people who fought it
and those who personified it
by Rudy Cheeks, Steven Stycos and Jody Ericson
Heroes
Donald Wyatt
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DONALD WYATT, for being a pain in the Rhode Island Lottery Commission's butt. While the state basks in the profits from slot machines, scratch tickets, Keno,
and other games ($100 million last year alone), Wyatt is essentially the lone
voice of restraint on the commission. In meeting after meeting, the former US
marshal has urged his fellow commissioners to consider the sobering fallout
from the state's good fortune -- according to one estimate, there are close to
100,000 problem gamblers in Rhode Island, many of them poor and unemployed.
Today, Wyatt is asking the commission and state officials to step up to the
moral plate and not only devote more of Rhode Island's lottery profits to
prevention, education, and treatment programs but to block the further
expansion of casino-style gambling at places like Newport Jai Alai.
"The commission is addicted to raising more and more money through gambling,
no matter what the cost. It's irresponsible," Wyatt told the Phoenix
last August.
There is hope, however. Three months ago, the commission voted to contract
with a national hotline that will refer callers to treatment sources and
collect statistics on problem gamblers in the state -- a small step in the
right direction, in great part to Wyatt.
HENRY SHELTON, for fighting for Rhode Islanders in need year after year.
For more than three decades, Shelton has challenged big business, government,
the media, and anyone else in a position of power and privilege to consider the
issue of human suffering and how we, as human beings, should respond.
As coordinator of the George A. Wiley Center and a founding member of the
Coalition for Consumer Justice, the Fund for Community Progress, and just about
every other local initiative that addresses economic injustices, Shelton has
always been there. Needless to say, he has been busier than ever lately.
With the end of "welfare as we know it," the issue has suddenly disappeared
from the media radar screen and from the agenda of many politicians,
particularly those who pushed for "welfare-to-work" initiatives. Indeed, now
that the easy part (cutting people's benefits) is over, most of us would rather
not look at the hard part. Shelton, however, has stayed on the case,
consistently acquainting us with the reality of these cuts and demanding that
those eliminated from AFDC and other assistance programs not just be shoved
aside.
He has publicized national statistics indicating how poorly Rhode Island has
served children in poverty, and Shelton has pushed and shamed those school
districts that, inexplicably, have not applied for federal funding for
breakfast and lunch programs. It is our shame that Shelton is working harder
than ever now on behalf of Rhode Island's underprivileged.
KATE COYNE-McCOY, for battling so hard against Columbia/HCA's bid to take
over Roger Williams Medical Center in her fight to protect those who would have
been hurt the most by it -- the uninsured. As the health-care industry becomes
more cost-conscious and competitive in response to pressure from managed-care
institutions, McCoy, executive director of the Rhode Island chapter of the
National Association of Social Workers, insists it's more important than ever
to keep for-profit hospitals out of Rhode Island.
So when the Nashville-based Columbia/HCA, which controls about half the
for-profit hospital beds in the nation, announced plans to buy Roger Williams
last year, McCoy sprung into action, compiling statistics on the corporate
giant that pointed to a dangerous pattern -- the elimination of certain
money-losing procedures and dramatic cutbacks to charity care at the
institutions Columbia/HCA had taken over.
In the end, McCoy and her allies, including Congressman Patrick Kennedy
(D-Rhode Island), won. Rocked by a series of Medicare scandals across the
nation, Columbia/HCA eventually backed away from its plans. And today, Roger
Williams remains free of any corporate shackles.
Michael Pisaturo
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MICHAEL PISATURO, for being so "out" and outraged during his first year in
office. Pisaturo was the first legislator in Rhode Island to run as an openly
gay man. As such, the state representative (D-Cranston) has been a tireless
advocate for gay and lesbian causes.
Unlike William Fitzpatrick, who came out after he won a seat in the Senate in
1992, Pisaturo says he is not merely a legislator "who happens to be gay" but a
"gay activist who happens to be a legislator." He makes no bones about the fact
that he is there to give his community a voice.
In this role, Pisaturo introduced a bill last year allowing for same-sex
marriages (and became one of only four legislators in the nation to do so)
after some of his colleagues in the House introduced a bill barring such
a union. After heavy lobbying from Pisaturo, the latter piece of legislation
died, and the Cranston rep decided to wait a year before pushing his any
further. Pisaturo also has been an outspoken opponent of Rhode Island's
anti-sodomy law, which he says blatantly discriminates against gay men.
RAYMOND PETTINE, for dedicating his life to guaranteeing that America's least
powerful residents enjoyed the benefits of the US Constitution. No judge is
ever likely to change Rhode Island more than Raymond Pettine did. Retiring this
year at the age of 83, Pettine had a reputation for defending the rights of
prisoners, women, minorities, and the poor.
In his first controversial case in 1969, Pettine declared that the federal
government had violated the US Constitution when it had fired and then drafted
a Peace Corps volunteer in retaliation for his criticism of US policy in
Vietnam. In later years, he found that conditions at the Adult Correctional
Institutions (ACI) in Cranston constituted "cruel and unusual punishment," and
Pettine also upheld a student's right to sit silently during the Pledge of
Allegiance.
Stung by discrimination as an Italian-American child attending Cranston's Shaw
Avenue School, Pettine tolerated no such prejudices in his courtroom. In 1976,
he ruled against the Rhode Island Bicentennial Foundation for arbitrarily
refusing to endorse a gay-rights parade. In his written opinion, Pettine
belittled the Foundation's excuse that parade organizers might advocate illegal
conduct, asking, "Does the Bicentennial Commission need reminding that, from
the perspective of British loyalists, the Bicentennial celebrates one of
history's greatest illegal events?"
"People say I'm a liberal," Pettine told the Phoenix, "and that's OK
with me."
Villains
Stephen Hamblett
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STEPHEN HAMBLETT, for damaging the integrity of the Providence
Journal-Bulletin by so shamelessly killing a news story because it might
reflect badly on him and other Journal Co. executives.
In November 1996, several newspapers reported that 12 Journal executives,
including publisher Hamblett, had received 631,121 shares of Journal stock the
day before the company's sale to the A.H. Belo Corporation was announced. WHJJ
talk show hosts Tom DiLuglio and Mike Vallante picked up on the story, and
veteran Journal reporter Brian Jones was assigned to research it.
Jones eventually concluded that the stock transfers were not illegal insider
trading but a legal maneuver designed to reduce the Journal executives' income
taxes. The executives had been scheduled to receive the shares as part of their
pay plan, and by receiving them before the announcement, they were able to tell
the Internal Revenue Service that their value was $20 a share. After the
announcement increased the stock price to $29, Jones concluded, they would have
had to pay more in taxes.
Executive editor Joel Rawson wanted to print Jones's story, but Hamblett
interfered where he didn't belong and killed it. None of the executives had
done anything wrong, Hamblett said, and they might be harmed by being named in
the article.
Overall, 1997 was a good year for Hamblett. By engineering the end of the
Journal-Bulletin's independence, he grossed more than $20 million.
BOB KRAFT, for so blatantly using Rhode Island as part of his scheme to
extort a better stadium deal from Massachusetts. Breezing into Providence and
talking up the idea of relocating 1996's American football division champs to
Providence, the owner of the New England Patriots sure caused a stir.
Local TV news stations and the Providence Journal just couldn't get
enough of Kraft, as speculation about "the stadium deal," gripped the headlines
for weeks. In the meantime, local politicians, such as Governor Lincoln Almond
and Providence Mayor Vincent "Buddy" Cianci, frantically attempted to
outmaneuver one another, sucking up to Kraft and basking in the aura of
big-time professional football in the Biggest Little.
Not surprisingly, a debate ensued as to whether people even wanted a football
stadium in Providence and, if so, how much (in tax subsidies, highway and road
reconstruction, etc.) they'd be willing to shell out to make it happen.
A lot of ugly little rifts surfaced as well: between the folks on Smith Hill
(where the new stadium would have been located) and the city; between those who
favored subsidies and those who didn't; and, most famously, between Almond, who
neglected to invite Cianci to a number of the negotiating sessions, and the
mayor himself, who seemed to be suffering from spotlight-withdrawal syndrome.
Yes, indeed, Kraft did a masterful job playing on the vanities of everyone
concerned. And although you certainly won't get Kraft (or anyone in Rhode
Island who was suckered) to acknowledge that the whole exercise was for no
one's benefit but his own, it's obviously true. To paraphrase Lee Harvey
Oswald, "We were patsies."
TOYS 'R' US, for crippling the competition and making consumers pay more for
toys. Last September, Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Administrative Law Judge
James Timony ruled that the giant toy retailer is violating federal antitrust
law by conspiring with Hasbro, Mattel, and other toy makers to restrict sales
to warehouse clubs such as BJ's Wholesale Club and Sam's Club.
Worried that the warehouse clubs are destroying its reputation for low prices,
Toys 'R' Us has been pressuring toy makers not to sell popular toys to the
clubs since 1991. And, faced with this demand from their biggest customer,
Hasbro president Alan Hassenfeld, executive vice president Alfred Verrecchia,
and other corporate executives reluctantly have complied.
The campaign, Timony concluded, has successfully eliminated the warehouse
clubs as Toys 'R' Us competitors, driving up overall toy prices. As a result,
Rhode Island Attorney General Jeff Pine and 38 other state attorneys general
are suing Toys `R' Us, Hasbro, Mattel, Tyco, and Little Tykes for triple
damages.
Alan Hassenfeld
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ALAN HASSENFELD, for being so incredibly thoughtless as to announce a 20 percent
reduction in Hasbro's workforce a mere two and a half weeks before Christmas.
His motive? To boost the Pawtucket-based toy company's stock prices.
Prior to this, the CEO of Hasbro, Inc., the 423rd largest public corporation
in the US, had been a very good corporate citizen. As chairman of the RIght
Now! coalition formed in 1991, Hassenfeld had been a strong voice for
government ethics reform. Today, his many philanthropic deeds are well-known,
including his role as the prime financial mover and shaker behind Hasbro
Children's Hospital.
Founded by Hassenfeld's grandfather and great uncle to sell pencil boxes and
school supplies, Hasbro has been a great American corporate success story,
particularly in Rhode Island. That's why when, in January 1996, the company
faced a hostile takeover attempt by Mattel, the Rhode Island General Assembly
quickly moved to stop it. Essentially, lawmakers deleted a provision in state
law that would have allowed Hasbro's a minority of Hasbro's shareholders to
easily call a special meeting -- and thus try to convince the others to support
the takeover.
All this legal maneuvering -- and Governor Lincoln Almond's signature --
occurred within a record two days, without the usual committee hearings or
debate. And in return, Hasbro agreed not to cut jobs in Rhode Island, according
to Senate majority leader Paul Kelly.
Naturally, then, Kelly and a number of other solons were upset that when
Hasbro announced its 20 percent reduction last month, the company acknowledged
that some of the jobs lost would be in Rhode Island. Whether a quid pro
quo had been established in the passage of the emergency legislation is still
unclear, but two things lead us to believe that the cutbacks have more to do
with corporate greed than prudent management. The first is the extraordinarily
bad timing of the announcement -- just before the holidays. The second is the
primary reason for the layoffs -- a 16 percent increase in stock prices over
the 10 days following the announcement.
VINCENT MESOLELLA JR., for being a walking conflict of interest and a poster boy
for why legislators should not be allowed to sit on state boards and
commissions. As longtime chairman of the Narragansett Bay Commission, a 1980
creation of the General Assembly that now has 260 employees and an operating
budget of $30 million, state Representative Vinnie Mesolella (D-North
Providence) wields a huge amount of clout and, for some strange reason,
inevitably seems to see things from the perspective of those in the
waste-hauling industry. (Maybe because he has accepted contributions from
commission vendors and employees.)
This year, Mesolella rammed a $550,000 appropriation through the General
Assembly for his Underground Storage Tank Financial Responsibility Review Board
with virtually no scrutiny from legislative budget officials. When approached
by reporters about this, Mesolella couldn't even provide them with the board's
budget -- because he didn't have one down on paper yet. So successful has
Mesolella been in receiving dubious funding that we have to wonder what kinds
of incriminating photographs of legislative leaders he has stored away.
Most recently, Mesolella appointed former Central Falls mayor Thomas Lazieh as
project manager for the Underground Storage Tank Financial Responsibility
Review Board, part of whose job is to help gas stations pay for cleaning up
leaks from underground tanks. Lazieh has no known background in environmental
management or anything else having to do with service station cleanups, but he
is a Democratic Party politician. For Mesolella, this obviously made him the
most qualified of the 20 people who applied for the job.